Felix Holt, the Radical - Cover

Felix Holt, the Radical

Copyright© 2025 by George Eliot

Chapter 20

“Good earthenware pitchers, sir!—of an excellent quaint pattern and sober color.”

The market dinner at “the Marquis” was in high repute in Treby and its neighborhood. The frequenters of this three-and-sixpenny ordinary liked to allude to it, as men allude to anything which implies that they move in good society, and habitually converse with those who are in the secret of the highest affairs. The guests were not only such rural residents as had driven to market, but some of the most substantial townsmen, who had always assured their wives that business required this weekly sacrifice of domestic pleasure. The poorer farmers, who put up at the Ram or the Seven Stars, where there was no fish, felt their disadvantage, bearing it modestly or bitterly, as the case might be; and although the Marquis was a Tory house, devoted to Debarry, it was too much to expect that such tenants of the Transomes as had always been used to dine there, should consent to eat a worse dinner, and sit with worse company, because they suddenly found themselves under a Radical landlord, opposed to the political party known as Sir Maxim’s. Hence the recent political divisions had not reduced the handsome length of the table at the Marquis; and the many gradations of dignity—from Mr. Wace, the brewer, to the rich butcher from Leek Malton, who always modestly took the lowest seat, though without the reward of being asked to come up higher—had not been abbreviated by any secessions.

To-day there was an extra table spread for expected supernumeraries, and it was at this that Christian took his place with some of the younger farmers, who had almost a sense of dissipation in talking to a man of his questionable station and unknown experience. The provision was especially liberal, and on the whole the presence of a minority destined to vote for Transome was a ground for joking, which added to the good humor of the chief talkers. A respectable old acquaintance turned Radical rather against his will, was rallied with even greater gusto than if his wife had had twins twice over. The best Trebian Tories were far too sweet-blooded to turn against such old friends, and to make no distinction between them and the Radical, Dissenting, Papistical, Deistical set with whom they never dined, and probably never saw except in their imagination. But the talk was necessarily in abeyance until the more serious business of dinner was ended, and the wine, spirits, and tobacco raised mere satisfaction into beatitude.

Among the frequent though not regular guests, whom every one was glad to see, was Mr. Nolan, the retired London hosier, a wiry old gentleman past seventy, whose square, tight forehead, with its rigid hedge of gray hair, whose bushy eyebrows, sharp dark eyes, and remarkable hooked nose, gave a handsome distinction to his face in the midst of rural physiognomies. He had married a Miss Pendrell early in life, when he was a poor young Londoner, and the match had been thought as bad as ruin by her family; but fifteen years ago he had had the satisfaction of bringing his wife to settle amongst her own friends, and of being received with pride as a brother-in-law, retired from business, possessed of unknown thousands, and of a most agreeable talent for anecdote and conversation generally. No question had ever been raised as to Mr. Nolan’s extraction on the strength of his hooked nose, or of his name being Baruch. Hebrew names “ran” in the best Saxon families; the Bible accounted for them; and no one among the uplands and hedgerows of that district was suspected of having an oriental origin unless he carried a peddler’s jewel-box. Certainly, whatever genealogical research might have discovered, the worthy Baruch Nolan was so free from any distinctive marks of religious persuasion—he went to church with so ordinary an irregularity, and so often grumbled at the sermon—that there was no ground for classing him otherwise than with good Trebian Churchmen. He was generally regarded as a good-looking old gentleman, and a certain thin eagerness in his aspect was attributed to the life of the metropolis, where narrow space had the same sort of effect on men as on thickly-planted trees. Mr. Nolan always ordered his pint of port, which, after he had sipped it a little, was wont to animate his recollections of the Royal Family, and the various ministries which had been contemporary with the successive stages of his prosperity. He was always listened to with interest: a man who had been born in the year when good old King George came to the throne—who had been acquainted with the nude leg of the Prince Regent, and hinted at private reasons for believing that the Princess Charlotte ought not to have died—had conversational matter as special to his auditors as Marco Polo could have had on his return from his Asiatic travel.

“My good sir,” he said to Mr. Wace, as he crossed his knees and spread his silk handkerchief over them, “Transome may be returned, or he may not be returned—that’s a question for North Loamshire; but it makes little difference to the kingdom. I don’t want to say things which may put younger men out of spirits, but I believe this country has seen it’s best days—I do, indeed.”

“I am sorry to hear it from one of your experience, Mr. Nolan,” said the brewer, a large, happy-looking man. “I’d make a good fight myself before I’d leave a worse world for my boys than I’ve found for myself. There isn’t a greater pleasure than doing a bit of planting and improving one’s buildings, and investing one’s money in some pretty acres of land, and when it turns up here and there—land you’ve known from a boy. It’s a nasty thought that these Radicals are to turn things round so as one can calculate on nothing. One doesn’t like it for one’s self, and one doesn’t like it for one’s neighbors. But somehow, I believe it won’t do: if we can’t trust the Government just now, there’s Providence and the good sense of the country; and there’s a right in things—that’s what I’ve always said—there’s a right in things. The heavy end will get downmost. And if Church and King, and every man being sure of his own, are things good for this country, there’s a God above will take care of ‘em.”

“It won’t do, my dear sir,” said Mr. Nolan—”It won’t do. When Peel and the Duke turned round about the Catholics in ‘29, I saw it was all over with us. We could never trust ministers any more. It was to keep off a rebellion, they said; but I say it was to keep their places. They’re monstrously fond of place, both of them—that I know.” Here Mr. Nolan changed the crossing of his legs, and gave a deep cough, conscious of having made a point. Then he went on—”What we want is a king with a good will of his own. If we’d had that, we shouldn’t have heard what we’ve heard to-day; Reform would never have come to this pass. When our good old King George III. heard his ministers talking about Catholic Emancipation, he boxed their ears all round. Ah, poor soul! he did indeed, gentlemen,” ended Mr. Nolan, shaken by a deep laugh of admiration.

“Well, now, that’s something like a king,” said Mr. Crowder, who was an eager listener.

“It was uncivil, though. How did they take it?” said Mr. Timothy Rose, a “gentleman farmer” from Leek Malton, against whose independent position nature had provided the safeguard of a spontaneous servility. His large porcine cheeks, round twinkling eyes, and thumbs habitually twirling, expressed a concentrated effort not to get into trouble, and to speak everybody fair except when they were safely out of hearing.

“Take it! they’d be obliged to take it,” said the impetuous young Joyce, a farmer of superior information. “Have you ever heard of the king’s prerogative?”

“I don’t say but what I have,” said Rose, retreating. “I’ve nothing against it—nothing at all.”

“No, but the Radicals have,” said young Joyce, winking. “The prerogative is what they want to clip close. They want us to be governed by delegates from the trades-unions, who are to dictate to everybody, and make everything square to their mastery.”

“They’re a pretty set, now, these delegates,” said Mr. Wace, with disgust. “I once heard two of ‘em spouting away. They’re a sort of fellow I’d never employ in my brewery, or anywhere else. I’ve seen it again and again. If a man takes to tongue-work it’s all over with him. ‘Everything’s wrong,’ says he. That’s a big text. But does he want to make everything right? Not he. He’d lose his text. ‘We want every man’s good,’ say they. Why, they never knew yet what a man’s good is. How should they? It’s working for his victual—not getting a slice of other people’s.”

“Ay, ay,” said young Joyce, cordially. “I should just have liked all the delegates in the country mustered for our yeomanry to go into—that’s all. They’d see where the strength of Old England lay then. You may tell what it is for a country to trust to trade when it breeds such spindling fellows as those.”

“That isn’t the fault of trade, my good sir,” said Mr. Nolan, who was often a little pained by the defects of provincial culture. “Trade, properly conducted, is good for a man’s constitution. I could have shown you, in my time, weavers past seventy, with all their faculties as sharp as a pen-knife, doing without spectacles. It’s the new system of trade that’s to blame: a country can’t have too much trade if it’s properly managed. Plenty of sound Tories have made their fortune by trade. You’ve heard of Calibut & Co.—everybody has heard of Calibut. Well, sir, I knew old Mr. Calibut as well as I know you. He was once a crony of mine in a city warehouse; and now, I’ll answer for it, he has a larger rent roll than Lord Wyvern. Bless your soul! his subscriptions to charities would make a fine income for a nobleman. And he’s as good a Tory as I am. And as for his town establishment—why, how much butter do you think is consumed there annually?”

 
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